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今秋，美國聯(lián)邦政府關門，迫使第44任總統(tǒng)取消海外出訪。在巴厘島舉行的APEC峰會少了巴拉克•奧巴馬，中國國家主席習近平成為會議室內(nèi)最有權勢的人，美國的“重返亞洲”戰(zhàn)略只能停留在嘴上功夫。

事實的確如此，習近平是2013年最有影響力的人物。中國局勢平穩(wěn)，而歐盟群龍無首，美國政治癱瘓。從全球大勢來看，西方失去了主動權，只是被動地回應中國的新穎招式和快速動作。

習近平是2013年最有影響力的人物

中國最高領導人在12個月內(nèi)引入了強有力的敘事，用“中國夢”表達中國人的時代精神。他接續(xù)著鄧小平的改革精神。從安納伯格莊園到巴厘島，習近平不失謙謙君子之風，扮演世界政治舞臺的關鍵角色。

習近平40歲擔任福州市委書記，這是他成為國家主席之前擔任過的16個領導崗位之一。他要求官員掛上“馬上就辦”四個大字；20年后，他塑造了中南海迅疾、高效的辦事作風。

習近平的中國夢可以說三個部分的有機結合：“現(xiàn)代中國”、“全球化中國”和“文明中國”。

“現(xiàn)代中國”不僅包括孫中山以來的建國歷史，還包括尋求社會經(jīng)濟發(fā)展的歷程。中華人民共和國幫助數(shù)億人民擺脫貧困，讓廣大婦女同胞識字接受教育——毛澤東說“婦女能頂半邊天”——人均期望壽命從1950年的41歲，提高到現(xiàn)在的76歲。鄧小平的“改革開放”政策依舊是改善中國社會狀況的催化劑。

中國第五代領導人習近平肩負雙重任務，一方面要保持毛澤東、鄧小平、江澤民、胡錦濤以來的延續(xù)性，另一方面，面對變幻的內(nèi)外部環(huán)境，引進新的動力。

十八屆三中全會（與1978年的十一屆三中全會有著直接關聯(lián)）距離習近平擔任國家主席僅僅過了8個月，他再度肯定鄧小平的改革精神，提出“全面深化改革”。

正是習近平的父親習仲勛（1913-2002）在廣東任職3年間推動了鄧小平的經(jīng)濟特區(qū)構想。另外，習近平1985-1988年任職的廈門也是經(jīng)濟特區(qū)之一，他尤其能夠領會鄧小平的深謀遠略。

如三中全會公報所言：“面對新形勢新任務……必須在新的歷史起點上全面深化改革。”使市場在資源配置中起決定性作用的決定立即獲得了吳敬璉等開明改革派的支持。

廢除勞教制度、調(diào)整計劃生育政策、成立全面深化改革領導小組等舉措，構成了一系列的精心布局，務求改進中國的治理方式。

“現(xiàn)代中國”與“全球化中國”密不可分，后者是全球局勢變化的最重要因素。中國的商品、技術、人才（海外人員、商人、學生、游客）、資本和文化正在通過21世紀的絲綢之路抵達世界各個角落。

當下中國是唐朝“天朝大國”的升級版，她越來越國際化，時刻把握互相依存、互利合作的21世紀精神。在中國夢的敘事中，“和平”理念對應“全球化中國”，“進步”理念對應“現(xiàn)代中國”。

“全球化中國”并沒有向世界傳教的意味，她不是霸權、不是全球領導者，而是回到“天朝大國”的“中央”理念。

中國宣布涵蓋釣魚島的防空識別區(qū)，這一舉措應從字面理解，是“預防”機制，美國、日本早就實行過，絕非侵犯。這顯然是改變亞洲地緣政治現(xiàn)狀的妙招，讓外界逐漸承認中國的東海劃界。雖然美國人反應高調(diào)，但政府已經(jīng)要求航空公司遵從北京方面的新政策。

從南極考察站到北極航運線，甚至太空旅行，“全球化中國”的存在感越來越強。習近平的十年以嫦娥三號探月為起點，開始中國人探索外太空的征途。

西方維持現(xiàn)狀、中國開創(chuàng)新時代的對比已經(jīng)十分明顯。西方認為2008年金融危機后的世界和以前沒什么不同，而中國則日益堅持其自身的利益的訴求。全球化第一次蒙上了中國化的色彩。

與美國夢不同，中國夢不是憑空而來的敘事，它是4千年歷史記憶對美好未來的想象，用習近平的話說，是“文明中國”的“復興之路”。

建筑、設計、時尚、藝術等領域，中國的審美觀念正在逐漸復興。從茶道到書法，中國品位、中國形式煥發(fā)新的活力。“開放”不是中國進入西方世界，而是再度確認中國精神的自我意識，循此進入多極化世界。

“文明中國”務求再造中國古典文化，重解傳統(tǒng)觀念。經(jīng)濟增長提升了中國人的生活水平，而和諧理念則要求中國考慮環(huán)境因素，保持好物質(zhì)發(fā)展與生態(tài)平衡之間的辯證關系。

進步、和平、和諧是支撐“現(xiàn)代中國”、“全球化中國”與“文明中國”的三大原則。

有意無意間，中國的第一夫人彭麗媛已經(jīng)成為中國自信的象征。以中國夢為內(nèi)容，習近平夫婦為媒介，習的十年從莫斯科出發(fā)，到巴厘島、安納伯格莊園，書寫國際交流的范本。

2013年的重要性還與臺灣有關。習近平在APEC峰會會見臺灣地區(qū)特使蕭萬長時向臺灣島和世界宣告“兩岸政治分歧終歸要解決”。

如果鄧小平的政治天才體現(xiàn)在香港“一國兩制”，那習近平則處于解決臺灣問題的有利位置。習近平在福建生活了17年，廈門與臺灣僅有海峽之隔，他對臺灣的經(jīng)濟、政治體制有著獨具慧眼的認知。

習近平料曾從容思考“中國夢”的歷史統(tǒng)一性，回味《三國演義》開篇：“天下大勢，分久必合，合久必分。”

（本文原載于《赫芬頓郵報》網(wǎng)站2013年12月4日，原標題Xi Jinping - Person of the Year 2013. 觀察者網(wǎng)朱新偉/譯）

（翻頁請看英文原文）

Xi Jinping - Person of the Year 2013

By David Gosset

In the fall, the shutdown of the U.S. federal government forced the 44th American President to cancel a series of trips abroad, at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit in Bali, in the absence of Barack Obama, China's President Xi Jinping was de facto the most powerful man in the room, the American pivot to Asia ironically reduced to a mere rhetorical posture.

It is indeed Xi Jinping who most influenced the year 2013. The constant movement in China contrasted with the lack of leadership in the European Union and the American political paralysis, on the global chessboard, the West lost the advantage of the initiative, it simply reacted to China's new moves and rapid actions.

Within 12 months, China's top leader introduced a powerful narrative apt to express the Chinese zeitgeist, the "China Dream," he managed to reconnect with Deng Xiaoping's spirit of reform, and, from Sunnylands to Bali, he occupied without departing from his natural modesty the center of the world's political stage.

At the age of 40 when Xi became the secretary of the Fuzhou Party Committee in the province of Fujian -- one of the 16 leadership positions he held before becoming China's President -- he requested his aides to hang on the walls of the office four Chinese characters "Ma Shang Jiu Ban" -- "Take immediate action"; twenty years later, he has taken to Zhongnanhai a management style characterized by swiftness and effectiveness.

Xi's China Dream is a dynamic synthesis which can be presented as a triptych, the interrelated visions of "Modern China", "Global China" and "Civilizational China."

"Modern China" summarizes the achievements which have been accomplished since the Republic of Sun Yatsen but it is also the quest for even greater socio-economic advancement. The People's Republic took hundreds of millions out of poverty, liberated the Chinese women -- "Women hold up half the sky," proclaimed Mao Zedong -- and extended for all the life expectancy -- 41 years in 1950, 76 now -- but Deng Xiaoping's "Reform and Opening up" remains a catalyst for improvement across the Chinese society.

As the core of the PRC's fifth generation of leaders Xi Jinping has a double task, he needs to maintain a certain level of continuity with the work of his predecessors -- Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao -- but he has also to introduce a new momentum in rapidly evolving internal and external contexts.

On the occasion of the third plenum of the 18th Congress of the Party, in a direct reference to the historical 1978 third plenary session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, eight months only after he became the PRC's President, Xi Jinping reaffirmed Deng Xiaoping's spirit of reformism with the notion of "comprehensive deepening of reforms" - quanmian shenhua gaige.

It is Xi's father Xi Zhongxun (1913-2002) who worked for almost three years in the Guangdong province from 1978 who pushed for Deng's idea of Special Economic Zones, moreover, Xi Jinping's tenure in Xiamen, one of the Special Economic Zones, from 1985 to 1988, put him in a situation to especially appreciate Deng's visionary strategy.

As stated in the plenum's communiqué Xi is taking China on a new course: "In the face of new circumstances and new tasks (...) reform must be comprehensively deepened from a new historical starting point." The choice to clearly allow market forces to play a decisive role in resource allocation immediately won the support of enlightened reformists like Wu Jinglian.
The abolition of the laojiao or the "Re-education through labor" system, the adjustment in the one-child policy, the constitution of a leading group to conduct a wide range of economic and financial reforms and the establishment of a National Security Committee form a series of well calculated decisions which perfect the way China is governed.

"Modern China" is interconnected with "Global China," the world's most significant factor of change. Chinese goods, technology, people -- diaspora, business men and women, students, tourists -- capital and culture are reaching every corner of the globe through an almost infinite number of 21st century's Silk Roads.

In an upgraded version of the Tang dynasty (618-907), the Middle Country is becoming increasingly cosmopolitan but it also projects itself globally with the awareness that interdependence and cooperation characterize the 21st century. In the China Dream, peace is to "Global China" what progress is to "Modern China", a conceptual reference and a project.
The widening of "Global China" is not accompanied by any missionary spirit, its horizon is not hegemony or even global leadership but the return to the Middle Country's ethos of centrality.

The announcement of an Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) which envelops the Diaoyu Islands should be interpreted for what it is, a defensive mechanism already used by the U.S. or Japan and certainly not an offensive operation. It is obviously a masterstroke altering Asian geopolitical status quo since it invites the world to gradually recognize China's mapping of the East China Sea, and, despite the use of a spectacular rhetoric, the American administration has already asked the U.S. commercial airlines to abide by Beijing's new policy.

"Global China" is not only the increasing Chinese presence abroad from stations in Antarctica to the Northern Sea Route of the Arctic but it is also an age of space travels and discoveries. The Xi Jinping decade started with the launch of the Chang'e-3 and its moon rover, another significant step into the Chinese exploration of deep space.

The contrast is striking between the West's attempts to preserve the status quo and China's making of a new world, the former believes that the post 2008 crisis period can be a copy of the pre-crisis situation, the latter anticipates a future which will be increasingly conform with its interests and intentions. As never before, globalization rimes with Sinicization.

Distinct from the American Dream, the China Dream can not be a narrative of pure newness, it is the imagination of a better future with the memory of 4000 years of history, a movement of renaissance -- a concept often used by Xi -- expressed in the vision of "Civilizational China."

In architecture, design, fashion and in the arts, a renewed Chinese aesthetics is gradually imposing itself, from tea to calligraphy, the Chinese savors and forms are been revitalized. The opening up of the Middle Country is not the dilution of China into a Western centered order but it is the reaffirmation of the Chineseness and, therefore, the entry into a multipolar world.

"Civilizational China" aims to reinvent the Chinese classical culture but it is also the reinterpretation of traditional notions. While quantitative growth is transforming the life of the Chinese people, harmony has become the imperative to take into account the environmental factor, the call to maintain the equilibrium between material development and sustainability.

Progress, peace and harmony are the principles which substantiate "Modern China", "Global China" and "Civilizational China."

In what can be interpreted as a coincidence but also as a revealing synchronicity, China's First Lady, Peng Liyuan, has become a symbol of China's confidence. Correspondence between the message, the China Dream, and the medium, China's First Couple, the Xi Jinping decade has also started from Moscow to Bali through Sunnylands with a master class in global communication.

But it is in reference to Taiwan that the year 2013 might have been highly significant. While Xi met a senior Taiwanese envoy, Vincent Siew, at the APEC Summit he explicitly signaled to the island and to the world that his decade might also mark the end of the Chinese political divide.

If Deng Xiaoping's political genius was at the source of Hong Kong's "One Country, Two Systems," Xi Jinping is ideally positioned to design a framework which would take into account the specificities of the Taiwan issue. After 17 years spent in Fujian, culturally a mirror of Taiwan, of which three years in Xiamen where he neighbored with the Jinmen archipelago administered by the Republic of China, Xi has gained truly unique insights on the Taiwanese economic and political dynamics.

He certainly had many occasions to reflect about the historical China Dream of unity and to meditate on the opening of Luo Guanzhong's immortal novel The Three Kingdoms : "The world under heaven, after a long period of division, tends to unite; after a long period of union, tends to divide."

David Gosset is director of the Academia Sinica Europaea at China Europe International Business School (CEIBS), Shanghai, Beijing & Accra, and founder of the Euro-China Forum.